As policymakers and business leaders gather in Davos this week, much of their
conversation will no doubt focus on how to drive a global economic recovery. Yet
they should spend just as much time and energy discussing how to prevent the
next devastating financial crisis – specifically, how to spot and prick asset
bubbles as they are inflating.
For many years, some of the world's most prominent central bankers said this
was impossible. However, new research from the McKinsey Global Institute shows
that rising leverage is a good proxy for an asset bubble – and that the right
tools could have identified the recent global credit bubble years before the
crisis broke. We urge policymakers to develop these tools and use them to ensure
a more stable financial system, thereby avoiding more of the widespread pain and
suffering caused by the current crisis.
Our new MGI report, Debt and deleveraging: The global credit bubble and its
economic consequences, details how debt rose rapidly after 2000 to very high
levels in mature economies around the world. But to spot a bubble, we need to
know how much debt is too much. Some households, businesses and governments can
carry large amounts very easily, while others struggle with lesser amounts.
The answer lies not in the level of debt alone, but in the sustainability of
debt. If borrowers cannot service their debt, they will go through a process of
debt reduction, or deleveraging. We see today, for example, that many
debt-burdened households are deleveraging – voluntarily and involuntarily – by
saving more and paying down debt, or by defaulting. To assess the sustainability
of current debt levels, we looked at borrowing within individual sectors and
subsectors of individual economies and at more granular factors such as the
recent growth rate of leverage, the borrowers' ability to service the debt under
normal conditions, and the borrowers' vulnerability to a disruption in income or
a spike in interest rates.
Our analysis is far from perfect. The data we would ideally want are not
wholly available. Still, the results show that borrowers in 10 sectors in five
mature economies have potentially unsustainable levels of debt, and therefore
have a high likelihood of deleveraging. Half of the 10 are the household sectors
of Spain, the UK and the US, and to a lesser extent South Korea and Canada –
reflecting the boom in mortgage lending during recent housing bubbles. Three are
the commercial real estate sectors of Spain, the UK and the US – reflecting
loans made during commercial property bubbles. The remaining two are portions of
Spain's corporate and financial sectors, both of which thrived during that
country's real estate bubble, which is now deflating.
These findings confirm that the credit bubble was global in nature and
fuelled primarily by borrowing related to real estate. More importantly, we see
that this type of analysis could have identified the emerging bubble years ago,
when its existence was still being debated. We performed the same exercise with
data from 2006 and found that the household sectors of several countries (Spain,
the UK, the US and South Korea) were then already flashing red, as were the
financial sectors in the US, UK and Switzerland, and part of Spain's corporate
sector.
If these tools had existed and been used in 2006, they would have signalled
the growth of credit bubbles in the red sectors – almost two years before Lehman
Brothers went bankrupt, credit markets seized up and the global economy started
contracting for the first time since the Great Depression. And by pinpointing
the sectors and countries, the data would have helped regulators identify the
specific sources of the growing problem and address them in a targeted way. For
example, they could have required tighter lending standards or bigger margin
requirements in specific credit markets that appeared to be overheating.
Starting now, policymakers should develop a more robust international system
to track the growth and sustainability of leverage in different sectors of the
economy, beyond borders and over time. A key first step will be collecting
better, more granular data. Today, the available figures are limited and not
always comparable across countries. If the data existed, we would distinguish
between secured and unsecured household debt and between the debt of banks and
non-bank financial institutions. Just as the Great Depression prompted the US
government to revamp its outdated methods of measuring consumer prices, so
should the current crisis motivate governments to develop more sophisticated
ways to monitor leverage.
An international body – such as the Financial Stability Board or the
International Monetary Fund – should work with national governments to collect
and maintain the data. Central bankers and other policymakers entrusted with
ensuring the overall safety and soundness of the financial system should use the
data to identify systemic risks. They should then consider whether to use
monetary policy or regulatory tools – either nationally or multinationally – to
curb the build-up of dangerous pockets of leverage.
Such data would be valuable as well to business leaders. Bank executives, for
example, could use them to guide lending strategies and refine risk models. And
corporate executives should consider leverage trends when re-evaluating
marketing strategies and revenue projections.
The bursting of the great credit bubble is not over yet. But governments
around the world need to work together to prevent the next one, putting an end
to the recent boom and bust cycle. With the right tools, policymakers can create
a healthier financial system and lay the foundation for a stronger global
economic recovery.
Charles Roxburgh is a London-based director of the McKinsey Global
Institute and Susan Lund is its director of research, based in Washington,
DC
This article originally appeared in the Financial Times.